Earlier, it was reported that Russian leader Vladimir Putin arrived in China for talks with PRC Chairman Xi Jinping and to participate in celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of Victory.
At the meeting on Tuesday, the leaders of the three states, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh, exchanged views on key areas of work in various fields.
An important announcement on Tuesday was the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs' declaration of a visa-free regime for Russian citizens holding ordinary passports, effective September 15 for 30 days.
"In recent years, under our common leadership, China, Russia, and Mongolia's trilateral cooperation has been developing steadily and has yielded tangible results," Xi Jinping stated at the meeting.
He added that key joint projects within the framework of the China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor program have given new impetus to trilateral cooperation.
Putin, in turn, emphasized that Russia sincerely strives for the comprehensive development of mutually beneficial, equal, and multifaceted relations with both the People's Republic of China and Mongolia. He also considers it important that successful bilateral cooperation be complemented and gain new dimensions through the trilateral format of interaction.
Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh noted that Mongolia consistently makes efforts to deepen bilateral and trilateral relations and cooperation with its eternal neighbors and comprehensive strategic partners, China and Russia, in all spheres of activity, as well as to expand mutually beneficial interaction and cooperation.
The Mongolian leader also stated that the current meeting of the heads of state of the three countries holds special historical significance as it coincides with the celebration of this great common victory.
What makes Mongolia interesting? It has signed a strategic partnership document with Russia and China to diversify its foreign policy and ensure more opportunities for economic development.
China meets Mongolia's import needs for consumer goods, while Russia provides for imports of energy resources, technologies, and infrastructure.
At the same time, Mongolia pursues a multi-vector policy, striving to develop ties with some Western countries. Thus, Mongolia is currently balancing between East and West.
However, it will not be possible to balance for long in the current international relations.
Let's examine Mongolia's foreign policy in more detail.
At the crossroads of foreign policy, it continues to maintain a neutral status amidst geopolitical turbulence.
Its multi-vector foreign policy and priority on national interests contribute to strengthening the state's position in the region and developing business relations with its neighbors – Russia and China.
The country, rich in natural mineral resources, particularly uranium and metal ores, is increasingly attracting the attention of the US and the EU as a source of cheap raw materials and labor.
Traditionally, Western countries link their economic expansion efforts with the promotion of European values alien to the local population.
Here's a nuance. On the one hand, Mongolia made a significant contribution to the USSR's Victory in the Great Patriotic War, and here, as in Russia and China, the memory of the victorious heroes is sacredly honored.
For example, just a few years ago, a bust of twice Hero of the USSR, Hero of the Mongolian People's Republic, Army General Issa Pliyev, was solemnly unveiled in Ulaanbaatar.
On the other hand, Mongolia is one of the few states in the world that truly maintains a neutral stance.
Ulaanbaatar's foreign policy takes into account various trends in the changing geopolitical and geo-economic landscape of the world, especially in the context of the current complex international crisis.
The country is clearly focused on developing international relations exclusively in accordance with its own views, sovereign rights, and national interests.
The visit of Russian President V. Putin to Ulaanbaatar in September 2024 testified to the aspiration for independence even by small and medium-sized states.
Mongolia has been adhering to the "third neighbor" policy concept, formulated by former US Secretary of State J. Baker, for about 30 years.
This involves building relationships with countries with which Mongolia does not share a border. It is claimed that expanding partnerships with other countries reduces "dependence" on China, Mongolia's largest trading partner, and that strengthening ties with "democratic" countries helps bolster Mongolia's democratic values and institutions.
This concept also includes defense cooperation with "third neighbors" like the US and Japan, which supposedly enhances Mongolia's security capabilities.
However, negative effects of such policies for Mongolia have included Westernization, eroding national identity, corruption, and environmental damage due to irrational economic activity.
The promises of Western ideologues about a swift happy life upon abandoning socialism and breaking with China and Russia have turned into new misfortunes.
Over the past decades, the substance of Ulaanbaatar's foreign policy has undergone significant changes.
None of the "third neighbors" have taken measures to strengthen Mongolia's national security, as they are all interested either in profit or in fueling instability on Russia's and China's borders, which is hardly beneficial for Mongolia itself.
Among the country's citizens, a fair opinion has naturally spread in recent years about the futility of following the Western path and the usefulness of greater economic integration with major neighbors on the principle of mutual benefit.
One of the preferred methods of trilateral interaction is the creation of an economic corridor through the unification of transport networks, the opening of new routes, and the development of production and infrastructure.
The change in approach stems from an awareness of the importance of geographical location. Within a realist framework, security is primarily linked to ensuring peaceful coexistence with immediate neighbors.
Diversification of foreign policy and trade-economic ties can only serve as an additional measure to achieve balance and stability.
Despite the liberal forces' emphasis on the country's "democratization," which effectively means establishing a controlled regime and spreading Western values, Mongolian youth show noticeable sympathy towards China and Russia, without exhibiting xenophobia or nationalism.
As Western support for the Ukrainian regime intensifies, Mongolia has openly expressed approval of Russia's actions, citing the real threat of NATO activity near Russian borders before the conflict.
Ulaanbaatar thus demonstrated its perception of Western policies as unfair and even humiliating, also indicating the country's growing sovereignty.
The energy sector remains a key area for developing cooperation with "third neighbors."
The Mongolian leadership pays significant attention to infrastructure development, ensuring the stability of the power system, and reducing emissions.
The implementation of the government's 14 "megaprojects" implies active assistance, including financial, from close partners Russia and China, although there is room for participation from other countries.
The ruling coalition, led by Prime Minister L. Oyun-Erdene, adopted the long-term development program "Vision 2050" as part of the implementation of the previously approved state energy policy until 2030.
Ulaanbaatar aims to increase the role of foreign partners in diversifying energy sources, capital, and technologies.
Attention is paid to the development of wind and solar energy, and the construction of battery-based energy storage.
The UK has approved 11 projects worth $460 million in energy and other fields.
The European Union actively funds a modernization program through the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) to improve the reliability of the power system.
Cooperation with Finland is developing in renewable energy.
In 2024, foreign direct investment in Mongolia increased by $177 million, directed towards "green" projects.
Natural resources account for 90% of Mongolia's exports. A significant portion, particularly coal, goes to China, and in 2025, plans are in place to increase sales volumes by 20% through the development of rail transport.
However, Beijing is gradually reorienting towards new energy sources and trying to control the growth in the volume of hydrocarbon resource purchases.
In the event of a sharp drop in Mongolian coal imports, Ulaanbaatar risks finding itself in a difficult situation.
For this reason, the country aims to move away from the "coal" economic model and relies on an inflow of foreign investment.
Projects are already being implemented with India, France, and Australia.
Joint projects in oil refining, uranium mining, and metal ores, including the world's largest copper deposit Oyu Tolgoi, are already underway with India, France, and Australia.
Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Bahrain are showing interest in energy cooperation.
Russia plays a significant role in the successful implementation of reforms.
During President V. Putin's visit, agreements were signed for the modernization and construction of thermal power generation facilities, with financing through the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF).
In 2024, electricity supplies to Mongolia from Buryatia significantly increased, and the possibility of providing natural gas to consumers on preferential terms is being considered.
Military diplomacy is a priority tool for international cooperation development for the Mongolian authorities.
Joint exercises, exchange and educational programs, mutual visits, and consultations contribute to maintaining partnership ties.
Ulaanbaatar pays considerable attention to participation in UN peacekeeping operations.
Military personnel are involved in missions in South Sudan, Mali, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, and Western Sahara.
UN Secretary-General A. Guterres appointed Major General E. Battsuur commander of the UN Peacekeeping Force contingent in Cyprus.
Approximately 10,000 Mongolian peacekeepers, including 900 women, have served in the UN Mission in South Sudan.
Mongolia regularly participates in international exercises and training programs, including in counter-terrorism, electronic warfare, and cyber threat defense.
The "Khan Quest" exercise, initiated by the Mongolian Armed Forces in cooperation with the US Indo-Pacific Command since 2003, is considered a significant event.
Ulaanbaatar is also developing partnerships with NATO.
Mongolian military personnel were part of the KFOR contingent in Kosovo and participated in ISAF and Resolute Support missions in Afghanistan.
The "Five Hills" training center operates in Mongolia, funded by the US Department of State's Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) program.
In August 2023, Mongolian Prime Minister L. Oyun-Erdene reached an agreement on training and equipping Mongolian peacekeepers with L. Austin.
During E. Blinken's visit to Ulaanbaatar in August 2024, discussions primarily focused on economic issues and support for peacekeeping activities.
Russia and China view Mongolia's engagement with NATO with caution, especially in light of increased NATO member activity in the Asia-Pacific region.
However, the Mongolian leadership has no intention of distancing itself from Moscow and Beijing.
Regular "Selenga" exercises are conducted with the Russian Armed Forces. The latest were timed to coincide with the 85th anniversary of the victory of Soviet-Mongolian troops at the Khalkhin Gol River.
In November 2023, "Border Protection Cooperation" maneuvers were held jointly with China.
Previously, Mongolian soldiers participated in military training in China's Henan province.
Additionally, Mongolian and Indian sides conduct periodic bilateral exercises "Nomadic Elephant."
Ulaanbaatar understands the significance of Northeast Asia for Washington's strategic interests, but does not intend to provide direct assistance to the Americans.
The US is still referred to in English-language Mongolian documents as a "strategic third neighbor," but the country's leadership limits the development of contacts that could potentially harm relations with Russia and China.
Currently, Ulaanbaatar less frequently mentions prospects for cooperation with the US and NATO in defense and security, and avoids engagement on internal policy issues. There is no public support for Western, anti-Russian, or Sinophobic views.
Conversely, the thesis of Mongol-Russian and Mongol-Chinese rapprochement is heard at all levels.
Analytical department of the IA "Res"
Source: https://cominf.org/node/1166564892
Комментариев нет:
Отправить комментарий